The provocative AI video escalated the campaign, framed Eisenkot as dependent on Arab parties, and intensified Netanyahu’s counterattack.
TEL AVIV – On the evening of June 8, the Likud party published a short message on its official X account: “There is no Tibi without Gadi Eisenkot.”
The short message was accompanied by an 11-second video created using artificial intelligence, in which two politicians, Gadi Eisenkot and Ahmad Tibi, stand side by side in front of a darkened parliament. It concludes by saying: Eisenkot has no government without Arabs – this passage refers to Tibi, an influential Arab parliamentarian.
There is no Tibi without Gadi Eisenkot.
– Likud
This post highlights two basic elements of the pre-election campaign that will take place ahead of the Knesset elections scheduled for the end of October. First, Prime Minister Netanyahu will fall back on the anti-Arab rhetoric his party has used for years. Second, former Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Eisenkot is now seen as a major political threat to the country’s longest-serving leader.
While Eisenkot’s name may not be well-known abroad, he has become increasingly well-known in Israel, at one point drawing attention from his previous portrayal. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s advisers stressed that he has prepared and plans to release 400 more videos about Eisenkot.
The Eisenkot party, Yashar (Hebrew for “direct” or “honest”), was founded less than a year ago, but until now its support in opinion polls has generally been in the single digits. Currently, more substantive polls are already close to Likud, topping the joint list of Bennett and Lapid.
The two leaders tried to rally Eisenkot into a joint anti-Netanyahu bloc, but Eisenkot refused and chose the path of independence, with Eisenkot subsequently outperforming the leader in several polls.
The latest Channel 12 poll predicts that Eisenkot’s party will win 21 seats in the Knesset, just shy of Likud’s 23 seats and ahead of Bennett-Lapid’s 18 seats. Who is suitable for the post of prime minister – 38% of respondents said Mr. Eisenkot and 36% said Mr. Netanyahu. Other major agencies have recorded similar trends.
The change in Likud’s message reflects that Eisenkot, who has long focused on Bennett, is now seen as Netanyahu’s main rival.
In recent weeks, a campaign video has emerged mocking Mr. Eisenkot’s heavily accented English and comparing it to the polished, international English of Mr. Netanyahu, who graduated from high school in Pennsylvania. Another theme was “Mr. Ghadi will not attack Iran.”
But these contrasts may also appeal to voters. Analysts believe Mr. Eisenkot’s style and public demeanor are the biggest differences from Mr. Netanyahu in recent years.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, 76, has spent decades mastering the art of political showmanship: sharp rhetoric, dramatic effects and grand spectacle. Eisenkot, by contrast, is quiet, reserved, non-theatrical, a former military planner, and focused on process and strategy.
Their biographies highlight the differences. Prime Minister Netanyahu, the son of a historian, grew up among Jerusalem’s elite and served in the prestigious Sayeret Matkal unit. Eisenkot, 66, is the second of nine children born into a Moroccan immigrant family. He grew up in Tiberias and Eilat, outside the traditional centers of power. He was a soldier and was promoted to IDF staff from 2015 to 2019.
“Gadi, under your leadership, the IDF has done a great job,” Prime Minister Netanyahu said at the Eisenkot retirement ceremony in 2019.
– Prime Minister Netanyahu
His tenure is remembered for political pressure and controversy. In 2016, Eisenkot was responsible for the Erol Azaria case, in which a medic was convicted of killing a wounded Palestinian in Hebron. The incident became a political short-sight for military ethics, where the military’s more moderate stance resisted pressure from the right, including Netanyahu himself.
Eisenkot entered politics in 2022 under the guidance of another former chief of staff, Benny Gantz. From October 7th, both men joined the emergency war cabinet. Over time, Eisenkot became critical of the government’s actions in the war and the lack of a clear strategy regarding hostages in Gaza.
“The war is being waged for tactical gains and there are no significant steps towards achieving strategic goals” – such a statement was made by Prime Minister Netanyahu and his military cabinet in February 2024.
– Eisenkot
The war also changed Eisenkot’s personal history. Two months after the fighting began, his youngest son Gul was killed in Gaza. Two of his nephews subsequently died. At the same time, Netanyahu’s son Yair spent a significant portion of the war in Miami and did not serve in the reserves.
“We remain a united and happy family so that your sacrifices are not in vain” – Eisenkot said at his son’s funeral. “We will do everything to be worthy of it, and we will do everything in our power to make the right decisions for those who sacrificed, for our comrades, and for the entire Israeli people.”
– Eisenkot
By June 2024, Eisenkot and Gantz had resigned from the emergency war cabinet due to its inability to finally end the war. A year later, Eisenkot parted ways with Gantz and formed his own party, which steadily gained momentum.
“The way people perceive him is that he gravitates towards him as a huggable figure,” columnist Nahum Barnea wrote in Idiot Allonot this week, describing his appeal as an emotional blend of the former chief of staff’s reserved demeanor, tired father and Moroccan origins.
– Nahum Barnea
There is a sense among some Israeli voters that Mr. Eisenkot presents an attractive contrast to Mr. Netanyahu. The Mizrahi party is Likud’s core base, but until now there has never been a prime minister from the Middle East or North Africa. Some MPs from various factions are emphasizing his advantages: “Yes, he’s the prime minister of Morocco!” Yigal Guetta said.
Nevertheless, four months before the election, opinion polls do not point to a clear trajectory for Eisenkot to win or easily form a government. Prime Minister Netanyahu is an experienced campaigner with a strong political machine, but Eisenkot has never run for national office.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s allies have stepped up their attacks. On pro-Netanyahu Channel 14, they discussed Hezbollah’s past leniency, but Eisenkot rejected the accusations, saying he would seek legal action.
Likud’s message returned to the familiar argument that an anti-Netanyahu coalition needs support from Arab parties. This attack is not focused on Bennett or Lapid, but on Eisenkot.
Analysts’ views and prospects for forming a coalition government
The political arithmetic of the coalition remains a key challenge not only for Eisenkot but for the entire anti-Netanyahu bloc. Even if it wins a majority in the polls, a coalition of left, right, center and Arab parties will require tough negotiations and stability.
“Since 1996, there has been a constant search for Israel to find someone who can topple Netanyahu” – Anshel Pfeffer, The Economist. “Successful people like Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon succeeded by doing something fundamentally different. Those who failed often tried to imitate him.”
– Anshel Pfeffer, Economist
“There is only one Netanyahu. Mr. Eisenkot, for the first time in years, has attempted to topple Mr. Netanyahu by becoming Mr. Netanyahu’s opponent.
– Anshel Pfeffer, Economist
“Personally, I’m different from him, but politically it’s not easy.”
– Anshel Pfeffer, Economist
Regardless of how arithmetic develops, Pfeffer says: Mr. Eisenkot stands out from his previous competitors in that he aims to lead the country with a different style of leadership, rather than copying his leaders. He added that society is currently looking for novelty and differentiation in political leadership amidst tensions and uncertainties.
“The encounter between Israel and its leaders continues. People want a fundamentally different style of governance.”
– Anshel Pfeffer, Economist
While the competition remains open to a variety of scenarios, most experts agree that the key challenges are coalition negotiations and post-election political stability. One thing is clear: the contrast between Netanyahu and Eisenkot shapes the mood of voters and drives the dynamics of the pre-election struggle.
